RLG309 Religion and Human Rights


5-7pages, double-spaced, 250 words per pageRLG 309F Guidelines for Paper #3
November 19, 2022
5-7 pages, double-spaced, 250 words per page
MS Word, on Quercus
N.B. Papers will be marked by prof.
Choose one or more RLG 309F reading(s) from one or more of the following classes –
November 1, 15, 22.
Focus on two or three of the key issues in your chosen reading(s).
Include RLG 309F resources (supplementary, supporting, UN and/or UN Women
documents) paired with RLG 309F reading(s) you have chosen. No outside research is
Structure of Paper #3:
Marking rubric: 10 pts for descriptive analysis (summary of facts, dates, issues) and 10 pts
for critical analysis (how and why issues are significant within context of RLG 309F and
Introduction: Clearly outline the RLG 309F reading(s) & the issues you will discuss in your
paper (approx. ½-1 double spaced page).
Main body: Clarify, define, and state the significance of each issue and the relation of each
issue to the others (if any) within the context of RLG 309F reading and resources. Ground
your discussion in RLG 309F reading(s) and resources (approx. 4-5 double spaced pages).
Conclusion: Briefly summarize the issues discussed in your paper (approx. ½ -1 double
spaced page).
RLG 309F readings and resources must be cited in footnotes or endnotes. Bibliography
should be in a standard academic format (eg. Chicago/MLA/APA).
Women and Religion in
Liberia’s Peace and
Julie Xuan Ouellet
Ontario Institute for Studies in Education,
University of Toronto
This paper discusses the role of women and religion in ending Liberia’s
second civil war. While women have long held positions as
peacemakers, they frequently go unrecognized for their work on local,
national, and global levels. Positive impacts of religion and spirituality
are similarly sidelined in discussions concerning matters of national
unrest and reconciliation. Centered around the story of 2011 Nobel
Peace Prize winner Leymah Gbowee, this article looks at why women
and religion were crucial to Liberia’s struggle for positive peace. I
begin by exploring the significance of religion in Gbowee’s call to
action, and then discuss how the Women of Liberia Mass Action for
Peace Campaign gained authority through religious values. Finally, I
take a broader and more critical look at the involvement of women and
religion in Liberia’s long-term reconciliation process.
Keywords: women, religion, peace building, Liberia
The 2003 Accra Peace Talks had been in session for over a month when delegates heard
reports that the fighting in Liberia was escalating, the death toll rising. This news was the
last straw for the growing group of Liberian women who had made the journey to Ghana
to informally witness what was quickly becoming a failed attempt at reconciliation. With
the help of Ghanaian and Sierra Leonean allies, they formed a shield of 200 women that
dotted the perimeter of the conference hall. Day in and day out, they surrounded that
room, protesting the violent civil wars that had controlled the lives of so many families
for over a decade. Very much excluded from political decision-making, the power of
these women had gone largely underestimated for months (Disney, 2008). No one had
given much thought to the increasing numbers of white-clad bodies gathering daily in
Monrovia’s fish market to protest the war. No one acknowledged the boiling emotions
and steadfast convictions that were building beneath their dancing, singing, praying
© 2013 Critical Intersections in Education: An OISE/UT Students’ Journal
Women and Religion in Liberia’s Peace and Reconciliation
For over a decade, Liberian women had suffered unimaginable atrocities; “those
who were not brutally murdered experienced and/or witnessed unimaginable acts of
sexual brutality, mutilation, cannibalism, and torture” (Goodfriend & Pillay, 2009, p. 11).
From 1989 to 2003, over 80% of Liberian women were sexually assaulted (Goodfriend &
Pillay, 2009); many were raped with objects including blades and knives. Most lost their
homes, their access to drinking water, and their children who were systematically
recruited as soldiers (Berkley Center for Religion, Peace & World Affairs, 2011, p. 7).
This article will look at why women and religion were so pivotal to Liberia’s
reconciliation process. I will not attempt to cover all the ways in which they have affected
and been effected by the transition. Instead, I will examine key events and organizations,
focusing on the Women of Liberia Mass Action for Peace Campaign, that have
demonstrated the necessity and value of both throughout the process.
In 1980, the military seized control of Liberia in a rebellion led by Sergeant Samuel Doe.
Initially, many civilians supported military rule, believing that it would bring about
structural changes necessary to the realization of national equality and democracy. That
optimism was quickly replaced by widespread frustration as the new government began
to replicate old oppressive systems (Berkley Center for Religion, Peace & World Affairs,
2011). The National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) was formed and responded with an
aggressive movement against the prevailing Doe regime. Doe countered with his own
violent attack. As the warring factions grew on both sides and hostility escalated, a small
group split off from the NPFL to form a third party called The Independent National
Patriotic Front of Liberia (INPFL). This first civil war was brutal and resulted in
thousands of civilian deaths, finally ending with a peace accord and the swift election of
President Charles Taylor. But little changed under Taylor’s rule, and in 1999 war broke
out for the second time, some say with a ferocity that was far greater than in previous
The second civil war was marked by increased violence toward civilians,
power imbalances, and an ambiguity of combatants. The bulk of rebels
were young men and boys and their tactics increasingly included sexual
violence, looting of homes and businesses, and forced displacement of
villagers. Children were also a target of rape and murder. Wartime was
particularly difficult for the boys as they frequently faced the option of
joining militia whether he wanted to or not, or being killed. This
particular sort of warfare had a devastating impact on the Liberian
women but it also served as a strong motivator for building a peace
coalition. (Berkley Center for Religion, Peace & World Affairs, 2011,
Fast-forward to June 4th 2003: President Charles Taylor, the very same man elected to
bring stability to Liberia, was indicted for war crimes by Sierra Leone. The charge was
brought against him in the midst of the Accra talks. But the significance of this
indictment and subsequent ceasefire proved to be purely symbolic. By early August of
that year, the death toll rose to 200 people per day. Frustrated and devastated mothers,
J. X. Ouellet
sisters, wives, and daughters barricaded the conference room and with linked arms,
refused to let anyone leave until a binding agreement had been made. Standing strong
against warlords, freedom fighters, politicians, and religious leaders, the women
physically pushed these men back through doors and windows as they tried to make their
way out of the conference room and back to their luxury hotels. Under the guidance of
their leader Leymah Gbowee, the women’s group stated two non-negotiable requests: 1)
The peace talks must progress; and 2) It must be a real peace process and “not a circus”
(Disney, 2008). One week later, Charles Taylor officially resigned. A week following his
resignation, a peace agreement was finally signed (Berkley Center for Religion, Peace &
World Affairs, 2011, pp. 6-7).
This was not the beginning or the end of the Liberian women’s peace initiative. It
was, however, one of the most significant moments in the history of the civil wars and
subsequent reconciliation. This day in August 2003 marked the culmination of profound
grief, rage, and resilience. To understand the extraordinary mobilization of what became
over 3,000 Liberian women and their allies, this paper maps the process that brought
these women together.
Under One God
I always say I was the wrong person for God to be speaking to about
bringing the women of the churches together because I wasn’t, like a 100percent Holy Ghost-filled Christian, doing all of the right things. I was
doing everything wrongly. And I felt if God had to speak to someone, it
had to be someone perfect (Gbowee, Bill Moyers Journal, 2009).
Like many women living through Liberia`s civil war, Leymah Gbowee, mother of five
young children, was struggling to survive. One morning in early 2003, Gbowee said she
awoke from a dream in which God spoke to her, telling her to gather the women of
Liberia and pray for peace. Heeding the voice, she appealed to the women of her church
to unite with other congregations of all denominations. It was not long before Gbowee’s
words spread and women from around Monrovia began to hold prayer groups, dialogues,
and healing circles. The news of this Christian women’s movement for peace also
reached the country’s Muslim population. Asatu Bah Kenneth, a Muslim policewoman
who had been inspired by Gbowee’s growing Women in Peace Network (WIPNET),
surprised Christian churchgoers when she stood up during a Sunday service and publicly
committed to joining the movement. As Kenneth began to mobilize Muslim women, she
confronted the resistance of some followers who adamantly rejected women’s
involvement in politics (Bill Moyers Journal, 2009). However, her persistence paid off
and she eventually received support from the Islamic community with the help of a wellrespected and highly supportive Imam. Together, Gbowee and Kenneth’s independent
groups formed one united movement that they called Women of Liberian Mass Action
for Peace Campaign. This was the first time Liberian Muslim and Christian women had
united in such significant numbers towards one cause.
In April 2003, as violence increased in many parts of the country, the band of
between 2,000 and 3,000 women made a commitment to gather daily in Monrovia’s fish
market, where they prayed, danced, sang, and chanted their simple but powerful demand,
“We want Peace! No More War!” (Disney, 2008). When their pleas went unheard, they
Women and Religion in Liberia’s Peace and Reconciliation
implemented a sex ban, refusing to sleep with their husbands until the fighting stopped. It
was not long before men, too, started praying for peace (Disney, 2008). Eventually, the
women’s protests grew into an appeal to meet with Liberian president Charles Taylor.
They wanted their demands to be taken seriously by the president but they were
determined not to get involved in what they saw as a superficial and aggressive political
battle that neglected the welfare of Liberian people on all sides. They wanted real
sustainable peace, pure and simple; a type of peace that could only have been motivated
by the very same spiritual roots that brought them together in the first place. Their
objective in arranging a meeting with President Taylor was to express this collective
desire through a theological ethic of “sin, love, justice, and reconciliation” (Berkley
Center for Religion, Peace & World Affairs, 2011, p. 5).
The role of religion in the women’s movement was not just about prayers for
peace, it was not just about personal healing, it was what gave these women credibility
and authority in a male-dominated war. Although Liberia is only 40% Christian (Berkley
Center for Religion, Peace & World Affairs, 2011, p. 3), Christianity was the religion in
power, a fact of which the Women of Liberia Mass Action for Peace was very aware.
When requests for a meeting with Charles Taylor were ignored, the women strategically
applied pressure to pastors, bishops, and priests. These men of God, they believed, were
the only members of society who held influence and power that was substantial enough to
sway the mind of proud Christian politicians. Under the influence of religious advisors,
Taylor agreed to hear Gbowee out. In a moving speech that stayed true to the values of
love and justice, the values that formed the heart of her movement, Gbowee made a
straightforward appeal for sustainable peace. It is thought that her humble public request
to the president was instrumental in convincing Taylor to attend the subsequent peace
talks in Ghana (Disney, 2008).
While religion did not officially play a starring role on the Accra agenda, the 300
Liberian, Ghanaian, and Sierra Leonean women who surrounded the conference reported
that they knew faith was the only common ground strong enough to generate mutual
understanding amongst opposing groups. Religion had been absent in the reconciliation
after Liberia`s first civil war (Berkley Center for Religion, Peace & World Affairs, 2010,
p. 4), despite the prominent role it played in the country’s communities, history, and
politics. The Women of Liberia Mass Action for Peace had formed under a mutual sense
of devotion and commitment to spiritual values. Despite belonging to different faiths and
denominations, they were not about to let the institution of religion be neglected when it
was needed the most. During lunch and bathroom breaks, Gbowee and her team
confronted participants in hallways and sitting areas. No politician or combatant could
pass through a single corridor without engaging in a discussion about spiritual ethics of
non-violence with one of Gbowee’s allies. The urgency of her mission came to a
dramatic crescendo when, upon being threatened by a security guard, Gbowee began
undressing, a symbolic gesture that demonstrated the strength of her conviction. This act
of an older woman stripping off her clothing in front of men was a traditional means of
bringing shame to those who refuse to stop fighting (Schirch & Sewak, 2005, p. 10). It
took Gbowee`s commanding actions coupled with the subsequent women’s sit-in, for the
efforts of these brave women to finally take effect.
J. X. Ouellet
Women and Religion in Long Term Reconciliation
With the talks over and the peace agreement signed, President Taylor’s majority
government was replaced with transitional leadership. UN peacekeepers began driving
into the country by the truckload. Having learnt from mistakes made after the first civil
war, Gbowee and her team knew that their work in ending conflict, maintaining real
peace, and rehabilitating citizens from the lasting effects of violence was far from over.
They vowed to stay active throughout the ensuing reconciliation process so that history
would not repeat itself for a second time. After an unsuccessful attempt by officials to
collect weapons safely and without further conflict, the United Nations called in these
women to help advise troops because of their experience as civilians participating in the
disarmament process after the first civil war (Disney, 2008). They were also instrumental
to the vigorous campaigning that led to the election of President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf,
Africa’s first female president.
The influence of Christian and Muslim women’s groups in Liberia’s amity
illustrated the important role that women play in these political circumstances. Women
made up “53% of the agricultural labor force” (Berkley Center for Religion, Peace &
World Affairs, 2011, p. 7) and dominated Liberian entrepreneurship, but they were absent
in socio-political decision-making spheres. Sirleaf’s election changed this. She appointed
several Muslim and Christian women, some of whom were prominent members of the
Women of Liberia Mass Action for Peace Campaign, to positions of leadership in the
new government (Berkley Center for Religion, Peace & World Affairs, 2011). In doing
so, Sirleaf altered an unbalanced political dynamic, both from a gender and a religious
perspective. These women of once opposing faiths, divergent communities, and
contrasting ideologies were now deeply bound by their experiences of war. Through
months of ongoing advocacy, they had united in peace, united in God, and united in
trauma. Their contributions to these political circumstances decreased the risk of further
conflict (Disney, 2008) and meant that Sirleaf’s plight for women’s rights in Liberia was
more adequately represented and addressed at the policy level (Hanna & Alfaro, 2012).
Their recent successes include closing the gender gap in primary education and working
toward the achievement of several Millennium Development Goals (Hanna & Alfaro,
Women and religion also played fundamental roles in community healing
processes. The atrocities that were plaguing women each day needed to be forgiven in
order for them to survive on a psychological and emotional level. In post-war Liberia,
forgiveness was just as important to the personal healing of women as it was to the
rehabilitation of their communities. Many women were moved to forgive because of the
roles they played in grassroots rebuilding efforts. For instance, in her work with the
rehabilitation of child soldiers, Gbowee was able to see perpetrators of extreme violence
such as rape and murder as human beings who were victims of war like she was. This
perspective was taken up by other Liberian women who felt that forgiveness should be
granted where it was due. Most believed that “the government of Liberia should …
consider conditional amnesty for those who told the whole truth, who showed authentic
remorse, and who asked for forgiveness” (Goodfriend & Pillay, 2009, p. 15).
Generating and receiving empathy were stages in the healing process that were
crucial in establishing peace for women on both interpersonal and national levels. One of
Women and Religion in Liberia’s Peace and Reconciliation
the ways in which this was done was through storytelling. In September 2008, UNIFEM
and the TRC came together to engage Liberian women in a series of dialogues. Their aim
was to “evaluate the TRC process from a gender perspective” (Goodfriend & Pillay,
2009, p. 11). Although it was unintentional, bringing these 100 women together in a safe
and neutral setting created a kind of ritual space in which they felt open to share personal
experiences of conflict. This unplanned process unburdened these women of the grief and
pain that can accompany experiences of severe trauma, as illustrated by the following
A transformational learning approach was used to practice the dialogue
process with the team, and for the team members themselves to share and
work with their own experiences of the war. They were taught activities
to deepen active listening skills, breathing techniques to centre the self in
the midst of heightened emotions and teambuilding exercises to bond the
group. (Goodfriend & Pillay, 2009, p. 13)
Participants all reported feeling lighter the next day, and more prepared to participate in
other stages of the reconciliation process, including planning for a more peaceful future.
Through truth-telling, these women “transformed into an energetic group that was ready
to discuss transitional justice and ways forward towards recreating their communities”
(Goodfriend & Pillay, 2009, p. 14).
But seeing the “thou” in another did not always come so willingly. Women who
worked as nurses or teachers reportedly struggled to associate with men and children who
had participated in horrific acts of violence. If they continued to see these individuals as
inhumane, reconciliation and sustainable peace would never be a reality for Liberia.
Elizabeth Sele Mulbah, Executive Director of Christian Health Association of Liberia
(CHAL), recognized the role that religion could play in helping to transform some of
these deeply rooted perceptions. She established a healing and reconciliation department
within her organization that engaged religious leaders in healing processes with
professional women. Mulbah wrote of this effort:
We wanted nurses to be able to relate to their patients [often soldiers and
abusers] despite of whatever relationship they had outside. If we didn’t
do that, patients would be afraid to go to the hospitals, for the nurses they
met would be seen as enemies. We wanted the same thing done for
teachers, so that … they would go back to the classroom, able to relate to
students and teachers. Religious people should not condemn people;
there is always a reason why people behave the way they do. So we
wanted to work with the religious leaders to enable them to use their
skills in religious reconciliation to bring people around. (Mulbah, 2004,
p. 78)
Women and Indigenous Spirituality
While Christianity and Islam were prominent in the women’s peace movement and
subsequent healing, the majority of the Liberian population, about 45%, practices forms
of Indigenous spirituality (Berkley Center for Religion, Peace & World Affairs, 2011, p.
J. X. Ouellet
2). These religious differences overlap with social and class differences between
Liberians and Americo-Liberians, the descendents of free-born and enslaved African
Americans who settled in Liberia towards the conclusion of the slave trade; a division
that contributed to severe inequality and civil strife for decades prior to the break out of
war. Veronika Fuest (2009) has alluded to the fact that rural women, who are more likely
to practice indigenous spirituality, were equally represented in various women’s
movements in the country but there is little mention of the Women of Liberia Mass
Action for Peace making intentional efforts to reach out to this demographic. However,
some traditional reconciliation processes were used by The Truth and Reconciliation
Commission (TRC). One approach that generated support was a process that takes place
in what is known as Palava huts. These are spaces that are traditionally used to settle
disputes on a familial or community level. Since the end of the second civil war, they
have been “embraced as a way to improve community dialogue” (Ramer, 2010, p. 18) in
regards to small-scale community crimes. Another interesting Indigenous approach,
which is important to mainstreaming gender in all issues of war and peace, is Poro and
Sande, which are described in the following excerpt:
Poro members are males initiated in the traditional animistic rituals and
Sande is the female equivalent. The leaders of these societies are thought
to have supernatural powers and therefore garner not only respect, but
power in influencing previously combative factions. (Ramer, 2010, p. 20)
Elders of these councils are involved in the TRC as part of its ‘Traditional Advisory
Council’ (Ramer, 2010, p. 10).
Elizabeth Mulbah (2004) thought that retributions should have been paid to
communities in traditional ways. She explained that a wrongdoer could present a chicken
or a cow through a middleman to the village chief. After consulting with elders, the chief
would officially accept this gift and split it amongst the community, signifying the end to
a disagreement. Mulbah also wrote about the potential of a traditional demobilization of
soldiers. This process would involve former combatants in symbolically handing power
back to the village chief to acknowledge that the war is over. Ideally, this process would
also include the return of children or goods stolen from the village. When the chief
accepts this offering, the war officially comes to an end and power is restored to rightful
hands (Mulbah, 2004).
One of the reasons that traditional approaches like these were perhaps neglected is
that each ethnic group in Liberia follows different forms of spirituality under a set of
unique practices (Mulbah, 2004). Employing one practice over another might have
caused additional strife and inequality. Still, for the large, and mostly rural, population of
Liberian women who follow traditional customs and religions, the importance of
including these traditions in the peace process must not be forgotten. Considering the
long history of ethnic friction in Liberia, non-Christian and non-Muslim women risk
being further marginalized which would make real peace impossible. Collaboration and
reconciliation between women of all faiths and spiritual practices is fundamental to the
Women and Religion in Liberia’s Peace and Reconciliation
“Women’s involvement in peacebuilding is as old as their experience in violence”
(Schirch & Sewak, 2005, p.1). The profound impact women had on the conclusion of
Liberia’s civil war and its ensuing reconciliation is just one example of why there is such
an urgent need for a critical, gendered understanding of women’s involvement in matters
of war and peace. Peace is so often defined as an absence of war, but this perception is
neither accurate nor sustainable from the perspective of oppressed members of any given
society. For most women in Gbowee’s position, the deconstruction of a peaceful
environment begins long before widespread civil war, and lasts far beyond UN mandated
peace talks. Understanding conflict through the lens of citizens who are consistently
pushed to the margins is essential for the evolution of an authentic reconciliation process.
Gbowee and her group understood that sustainable peace needed to include a
transformation of the roots of structural violence. Such a shift is what can eventually lead
to what Schirch and Sewak (2005) have termed “positive peace”, a peace that includes
“social justice, gender equity, economic equality, and ecological balance with an
emphasis on human relationships” (p. 15).
The reason religion can be such an influential and compatible framework in which
to ground reconciliation processes is that most spiritual ethics of non-violence abide by
the very same principles as those of positive peace. It is not surprising then that Gbowee
and her group found direction in their faith. They simultaneously uncovered religion’s
power as a tool for establishing common ground with political factions, one that was
mutually understood as a source of authority and credibility amongst otherwise
conflicting groups.
The more practical function that religion plays in women’s personal, communal,
and national healing should not be underestimated. In Liberia, it has acted as a driving
force, a model for forgiveness, and a vehicle for healing. Spirituality is often avoided
within international discourses on peace out of a fear that it will cause more division than
unity. However, the women of Liberia demonstrated that religion can help motivate and
restore communities through a force greater than many others. By integrating more
spiritually based models for peace, women were equipped to holistically move through
individual, interpersonal, and national levels of healing and reconciliation.
In the movie Pray the Devil Back to Hell (2008), Gbowee declares that “peace is a
process, not an event.” Similarly, violence must be seen as an ongoing and intentional
course of action, not an isolated incident. A deliberate and concerted effort to establish
leadership that is equally representative of the spiritual and physical priorities of all
members of society is paramount to establishing non-violence and restoring communities
to a position where they are less vulnerable to repetitive and unresolved conflict.
J. X. Ouellet
Berkley Centre for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs. (2010). Ending Liberia’s second
civil war: Religious women as peacemakers. Case Study Series. 1-11.
Disney, A. (Producer), & Reticker, G. (Director). (2008). Pray the devil back to hell
[Motion picture]. New York: Fork Films
Fuest, V. (2009). Liberia’s women acting for peace. In S. Ellis & I. Van Kessel (Eds.),
Movers and shakers: Social movements in Africa (pp. 114-135). The Netherlands:
Goodfriend, L., & Pillay, A. (2009). Evaluating women’s participation in transitional
justice and governance: A community dialogue process in Liberia, Conflict
Trends, 2, 10-16.
Hanna, H., & Alfaro, A. L. (2012). The future of development in Liberia: Keeping
women on the agenda. Women’s Policy Journal of Harvard. 77-79.
Mulbah, E. S. (2004). African women and peace support group. Part III: Insights from
experience, sixteen peace people speak. In Liberian women peacemakers:
Fighting for the right to be seen, heard, and counted. New Jersey: Africa World
Press Inc.
Public Affairs Television Inc. (June 19, 2009). Bill Moyers Journal (Television
Broadcast). New York: PBS. URL:
Ramer, K. G. (2010). Integrating traditional practices of reconciliation: Three case
studies in post-conflict African countries. (Master’s Thesis). Humphrey Institute
of Public Affairs, The University of Minnesota. 1-36.
Schirch, L., & Sewak, M. (2005). The role of women in peacebuliding. Written for The
Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict. 1-19.
Julie Xuan Ouellet is a feminist activist who focuses on holistic approaches to ending
violence against girls and women. She earned her MA in Adult Education and
Community Development from the Ontario Institute of Studies in Education (OISE)
where she explored transformative non-violence in Swaziland’s women’s rights
movement. Julie’s research interests include: the role of religion and culture in creating
peaceful communities; the impact of dominant narratives in childhood development; and
the potentials of transformative learning in deconstructing patriarchal values. Julie also
monitors and evaluates youth and women centered community programs. She can be
contacted at juliexuan@gmail.com.
RLG 389F Students:
Below is a link to the exhibit of Alanis Obomsawin, First Nations Women Artist on InterGenerational Trauma & Healing . She dedicated this work to Missing and Murdered Aborginal
Women and Girls. Her artwork depicts the connection between mother and daughter, and their
separation during Indian Residential School process, as well as their livelihood as basket
weavers, and healing through dreams and Aboriginal spirituality. Here is the link:

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