You should write a minimum of 200 words for each question. Use and cite the required material provided (attached files below) to answer the questions. Don’t forget to add references.
Week 4 GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE AND THE CONTINUUM OF VIOLENCE
Globally, one in three women will experience gender-based violence (GBV) at the hands of an intimate partner. Data shows that since the outbreak of COVID-19, GBV in the form of domestic violence, particularly targeted against women and girls, has escalated. In fact, domestic violence has been so pervasive during the pandemic that the UN has called it a ??shadow pandemic? (UN, 2021).
Question #3. How does the escalation of domestic violence during COVID-10 exemplify the concept of the continuum of violence? In answering this question address: how women and girls have experienced GBV pre-conflict (pre-pandemic), conflict (during the pandemic) and how do you think women and girls might fare post-conflict (post-pandemic) as things get back to ??normal? based on the status of women currently in society, e.g. whether you think levels of domestic violence will decrease as women and girls are able to spend more time outside of the home and the stress of the pandemic subsides.
WEEK #6 INTEGRATING A GENDER PERSPECTIVE-GENDER MAINSTREAMING AND GENDER ANALYSIS
A gender perspective is defined as ??a way of assessing gender-based differences of women and men reflected in their social roles and interactions, in the distribution of power and access to resources? (NATO, 2012). We will expand on that definition to include all genders, plus intersecting factors such as those mentioned previously such as race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, ageism, ability, income level or religious affiliation
In integrating a gender perspective, gender mainstreaming is a policy strategy which considers both women’s and men’s interests and concerns. A gender analysis is an important aspect of gender mainstreaming as a systematic methodology for examining the differences in roles and norms for women and men, girls and boys; the different levels of power they hold; their differing needs, constraints, and opportunities; and the impact of these differences in their lives.
Question #5. In applying a gender perspective, what were the impacts on different genders during the 2005 tsunami in Indonesia? In answering this question, address the following: the capacities and vulnerabilities of women and men prior to and after the disaster; how women and men were affected and responded differently to the tsunami and to what extent; the different roles women and men played in ensuring the survival of themselves, their families and communities in the face of disaster; the different resources (economic, financial, physical, natural, other assets) and information that were available to women and men at the time of the disaster.
The Guardian
Four times as many women died in tsunami
John Aglionby
in Jakarta
Sat 26 Mar 2005 07.50 EST
Up to four times as many women as men died in the Boxing Day Asian tsunami, according to a report published today by Oxfam International.
In four villages surveyed by the aid agency in the badly hit district of North Aceh in Indonesia, an average of 77% of the fatalities were women. In the worst affected village, Kuala Cangkoy, the proportion rose to 80%.
Data collected from Cuddalore district of Tamil Nadu state in southern India produced a figure of 73% female fatalities. In Sri Lanka, information was hard to confirm but anecdotal evidence suggested about two thirds of those who died were women.
The reasons vary, but among the common factors is that many men were out fishing or away from home, so had more opportunity to flee the tsunami. In general, men could run faster to escape the water and those caught in the sea used their greater strength to survive by clinging on to debris.
In Aceh, the Indonesian province that bore the brunt of the disaster, many men have moved away from the province, which is beset by a separatist insurgency, to find work. Women, in contrast, were at home, and efforts to save their children slowed their flight.
In Indian coastal communities, women traditionally wait on the beaches to unload the fish from the boats.
In Sri Lanka, researchers found few women could swim or climb trees.
As communities today mark the three-month anniversary of the tsunami, Oxfam’s report warns of significant social disruption and exploitation of the women who remain in the affected communities.
“The threat is that due to the shortage of women, they are going to have to marry younger and younger,” said Ines Smith, an Oxfam gender adviser, who did much of the research in Aceh. “This means loss of education, pregnancy at a younger age and more pregnancies.”
Men and women are finding the gender imbalance a problem, Oxfam says. Men who have lost their wives are struggling to rebuild a domestic life, while unmarried men are worried about how they will find a wife. “They don’t know how to fill the voids,” Ms Smith said.
Women survivors are having to plug gaps left by women who have died, and at the same time are not allowed to step into roles previously played by men, according to Aditi Kapoor, an Oxfam researcher in India.
“Societies have assumed, for example, women don’t need a boat if there’s no man around,” she said. “But women want boats. They can rent them out and make an income that way.”
Many young women are taking up caring roles. Baghyalaxmi, a t
New York Times
U.S. Soldiers Told to Ignore Sexual Abuse of Boys by Afghan Allies
Dan Quinn was relieved of his Special Forces command after a fight with a U.S.-backed militia leader who had a boy as a sex slave chained to his bed.Credit…Kirsten Luce for The New York Times
By
Joseph Goldstein
· Sept. 20, 2015
KABUL, Afghanistan ?? In his last phone call home, Lance Cpl. Gregory Buckley Jr. told his father what was troubling him: From his bunk in southern
Afghanistan
, he could hear Afghan police officers sexually abusing boys they had brought to the base.
??At night we can hear them screaming, but we??re not allowed to do anything about it,? the Marine??s father, Gregory Buckley Sr., recalled his son telling him before he was shot to death at the base in 2012. He urged his son to tell his superiors. ??My son said that his officers told him to look the other way because it??s their culture.?
Rampant sexual abuse of children has long been a problem in Afghanistan,
particularly among armed commanders
who dominate much of the rural landscape and can bully the population. The practice is called
bacha bazi
, literally ??boy play,? and American soldiers and Marines have been instructed not to intervene ?? in some cases, not even when their Afghan allies have abused boys on military bases, according to interviews and court records.
The policy has endured as American forces have recruited and organized Afghan militias to help hold territory against the Taliban. But soldiers and Marines have been increasingly troubled that instead of weeding out pedophiles, the American military was arming them in some cases and placing them as the commanders of villages ?? and doing little when they began abusing children.
??The reason we were here is because we heard the terrible things the Taliban were doing to people, how they were taking away human rights,? said Dan Quinn, a former Special Forces captain who beat up an American-backed militia commander for keeping a boy chained to his bed as a sex slave. ??But we were putting people into power who would do things that were worse than the Taliban did ?? that was something village elders voiced to
The case of the ??killer lesbians?
Submitted by
admin
on July 18, 2011 ?? 8:38 pm
9 Comments
Fifteen-year-old Sakia Gunn.
By Laura S. Logan
Several African-American lesbians who fought back against an alleged attack spent time in jail and prison after being convicted of crimes related to the incident. Laura S. Logan looks at how press coverage of the group, dubbed the New Jersey 7, shaped a narrative about the women that portrayed them as predators rather than victims ?? a story at odds with how we usually think about LGBT people who??ve been harassed. In light of a recent popular campaign to end the bullying of LGBT people, Logan says, this case begs the question: It gets better for whom? Laura is a Ph.D. candidate in sociology at Kansas State University and managing editor of the journal Gender & Society.
A few young friends, all lesbians, all African American, waited at a bus stop near Newark??s Penn Station on May 13, 2003. It was 3:30 a.m., and they were returning from a night of fun in the West Village. Two African American men approached the small group of women, which included 15-year-old Sakia Gunn. The men made sexual advances. Gunn and her friends identified themselves as lesbians and rejected them. Shortly thereafter, one of the men, Richard MuCullough, stabbed Sakia Gunn in the chest, killing her on the street.
Three years later, in August 2006, another group of African American lesbians from Newark were harassed on the street, this time while they were still in the West Village. Dwayne Buckle, an African American man selling DVDs on the sidewalk, allegedly propositioned them as they walked past him. Buckle??s first remark was directed to Patreese Johnson: ??Let me get some of that.? Thinking he was homeless and hungry, Johnson said, she asked if he wanted some of her friend??s soda. ??No, some of that,? she recalled Buckle replying, pointing to below her waist.
Several of the young women yelled at him, and told him that they were lesbians and not interested. Buckle allegedly continued his harassment, adding homophobic threats and taunts. He said would ??fuck them straight,? according to reports and court testimony. He threw a cigarette at one woman and spit at another, according to the women, leading to a brief physical altercation. Afterwards, the women turned to leave; a video camera from a nearby business shows them walking away. The same fil
PRACTICAL GUIDANCE FOR GENDER-
SENSITIVE CONFLICT ANALYSIS
Addressing common gender biases in conflict analysis will provide a
more accurate and comprehensive understanding of the root causes,
triggers and drivers of conflict, and enable more informed and
eff ective action.
HOW PRACTICALLY?
?¢ Recognizes that women and men, girls and boys, and gender
non-conforming people may have diff erent experiences, opportu-
nities and constraints due to gender norms in their society
?¢ Analyses the unequal social, political and economic power dynam-
ics between women and men within society and how these influ-
ence opportunities and capacities for peace and security
?¢ Relies on but goes beyond simply disaggregating data or assess-
ing the gendered impacts of conflict; instead addresses underlying
gender dynamics in society, including discriminatory or exclusion-
ary practices, as part of addressing the root causes of conflict
?¢ Emerged as a practice in order to address the persistent gender
blindness in conflict analysis, which excludes women??s diff erent
experiences, interests and needs, and which biases planning and
response against women and girls
GENDER AND INCLUSIVE MEDIATION STRATEGIES
Gender-sensitive
conflict analysis
is the systematic
study of the
gendered causes,
structures,
stakeholders
and dynamics
of conflict and
peace. It is
conflict analysis
with a gender
lens.
Assess the diff erentiated
impact of armed conflict on
women, men and gender
non-conforming people
Expand actor mapping to iden-
tify the networks and knowledge
that women, men and gender
non-conforming people off er
Analyse the diff erent roles of
women and men, from combat-
ant to peacemakers, and how
these have changed due to the
conflict
Address how norms relating to
masculinity and femininity drive
or mitigate violence and inse-
curity and challenge or create
opportunities for peacemaking
Advance participatory analysis,
including through consultations
with diverse women??s groups
and women peacebuilders
Draw on sex-disaggregated data
(e.g. numeric representation in par-
liament) and broaden data collection
indicators (such as economic partic-
ipation and maternal mortality)
INCLUSIVE
MEDIATION STRATEGIES
GENERATE
COMMON
PITFALLS:
?¢ Treating women or men
as homogenous groups
?¢ Limiting gender to a
single section in analysis
(should also be main-
streamed throughout)
?¢ Assuming women are
victims with narrow
protection needs and
not agents or actors in
conflict
?¢ Ignoring patriarchal
power dynamics
?¢ Undertaking conflict
analysis as a one-off
activity and not a lens
through which evolving
conflict dynamics are
regularly updated and
addressed
?¢ Failing to integrate gender
from t
THE ROLE OF MASCULINITIES IN VIOLENCE
AGAINST WOMEN
Walter S. DeKeseredy and Martin D. Schwartz. ??The Role of Masculinities in Violence
Against Women). In Dina Anselmi and Anne Law, Questions of Gender: Perspectives
and Paradoxes. New York: Blackwell, 2008.
Choose a form of violence and examine international statistics on the gender of its perpetrators.
You will always find a severely unbalanced sex ratio, generally with 90% to 100% of the
violence being perpetrated by men and less than 10% being perpetrated by women (Bowker,
1998a, p. xiv).
THE GOOD AND BAD OF MEN
Men around the globe are part of virtually all forces for good including a pro-feminist struggle to
end violence against women (DeKeseredy, Schwartz, & Alvi, 2000). Still, much if not most of
what is bad in the world is the product of men. For example, there is extensive scientific
evidence that men perpetrate the bulk of the violence in intimate heterosexual relationships
throughout the world (Renzetti, Edleson & Bergen, 2001). Similarly, men have a virtual
monopoly on the commission of crimes of the powerful, such as price fixing and the illegal
dumping of toxic waste (Messerschmidt, 1997). We would be hard pressed to find more than a
handful of women who are involved in acts of state sponsored terrorism and torture. To belabor
the obvious, women rarely participate in mass killings like the recent tragedies at Virginia Tech,
Columbine High School, or Port Arthur, Australia, or the events of September 11, 2001. There
have been occasional female suicide bombers in the Middle East, but in general this is another
field dominated by men. At a more common level, men??s involvement in all types of violent
crime, including street violence, greatly exceeds that of women (Kimmel, 2000).
What accounts for this glaring sex difference? Of course we could start with the argument that
most men are not criminally violent and thus those who beat, rob, kill, torture or rape are deviant
members of an otherwise harmonious society. There is some truth here. Serial killers like John
Wayne Gacy are very rare, committing less than one percent of all U.S. homicides (Fox & Levin,
1999).
Yet overall male violence itself is not particularly rare; it is in fact endemic in our society. In
one example, at least 11 percent of North American women in marital/cohabiting relationships
are annually physically abused by their male partners. Similar figures have been reported in a
variety of other English-speaking countries. In our Canadian national representative sample
survey of undergraduate students, about 28 percent of the females said that they had been
sexually assaulted in some manner in the past year alone by a male boyfriend or dating partner,
while 11 percent of the men admitted to such sexual violence in the past year (DeKeseredy &
Schwartz, 1998a). This does not include any violence th
The European Journal of International Law Vol. 18 no. 2 © EJIL 2007; all rights reserved
………………………………………………………………………………
EJIL (2007), Vol. 18 No. 2, 253??276 doi: 10.1093/ejil/chm013
Sexual Violence Against Men
in Armed Confl ict
Sandesh Sivakumaran *
Abstract
Reports of sexual violence by men against men emerge from numerous confl icts, ranging
in time from Ancient Persia and the Crusades to the confl icts in Iraq and the Democratic
Republic of the Congo. Despite these accounts, relatively little material exists on the
subject and the issue tends to be relegated to a footnote. This article ascertains the extent to
which male sexual violence is committed in armed confl ict. It considers factors that explain
under-reporting by victims and lack of detection on the part of others. The particular forms of
male sexual violence are also examined: namely rape, enforced sterilization and other forms
of sexual violence, including enforced nudity, enforced masturbation and genital violence.
The dynamics present in these offences are explored, with issues of power and dominance,
expressed through emasculation, considered. Thus, attention is paid to ideas of feminization,
homosexualization and the prevention of procreation. The symbolic construction of male and
female bodies in armed confl ict is also explored.
1 Introduction
Sexual violence is committed against men more frequently than is often thought. It is
perpetrated at home, in the community and in prison; by men and by women; during
confl ict and in time of peace. It has been written that, ?? [i]n some respects, the situation
facing male rape victims today is not so different from that which faced female victims,
say, two centuries ago. ?? 1 Not much has changed in the period since that comment was
made. Although there has been some positive development in certain areas, 2 there
* Lecturer, School of Law, University of Nottingham. I would like to thank Peter Bartlett and Robert Cryer
for their helpful comments on earlier drafts. Email: [email protected] .
1 Estrich, ?? Rape ?? , 95 Yale LJ (1986) 1087, at 1089, fn 1.
2 See, e.g., in the United States, the Prison Rape Elimination Act of 2003, 42 USC § 15601.
254 EJIL 18 (2007), 253??276
has been little or none in others. One area to which little attention has been paid is
sexual violence against men in armed confl ict.
Reports of sexual violence by men against men ( ?? male sexual violence ?? ) emerge
from many confl icts. These reports may be buried under a wealth of other infor-
mation but they are there.
Variation in Sexual Violence during War
ELISABETH JEAN WOOD
Sexual violence during war varies in extent and takes distinct forms. In some con-
flicts, sexual violence is widespread, yet in other conflicts??including some cases
of ethnic conflict??it is quite limited. In some conflicts, sexual violence takes the
form of sexual slavery; in others, torture in detention. I document this variation,
particularly its absence in some conflicts and on the part of some groups. In the
conclusion, I explore the relationship between strategic choices on the part of
armed group leadership, the norms of combatants, dynamics within small units,
and the effectiveness of military discipline.
Keywords: sexual violence; rape; political violence; human rights; war
While sexual violence occurs in all wars, it occurs to varying extent and takes
distinct forms. During the conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina, the sexual abuse of
Bosnian Muslim women by Bosnian Serb forces was so systematic and wide-
spread that it comprised a crime against humanity under international law. In
Rwanda, the widespread rape of Tutsi women comprised a form of genocide,
according to the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda.
Yet sexual violence in some conflicts is remarkably limited, despite wide-
spread violence against civilians. Sexual violence is relatively limited even in
some cases of ethnic conflict that include the forced movement of ethnic popu-
lations; the conflicts in Israel/Palestine and Sri Lanka are examples. Some
307
I am grateful for research support from the Yale Center for International and Area Studies and the
Santa Fe Institute, and for research assistance from Margaret Alexander, Laia Balcells, Karisa
Cloward, Kade Finnoff, Amelia Hoover, Michele Leiby, Amara Levy-Moore, Meghan Lynch, Abbey
Steele, and Tim Taylor. I also thank the many people who commented on earlier versions, particularly
Jeffrey Burds, Christian Davenport, Magali Sarfatti Larson, David Plotke, and Jeremy Weinstein.
POLITICS & SOCIETY, Vol. 34 No. 3, September 2006 307-341
DOI: 10.1177/0032329206290426
© 2006 Sage Publications
armed groups engage in relatively little sexual violence; Sendero Luminoso was
deemed responsible for more than half the deaths and disappearances reported
to the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission but for only a tenth of the
(few) reported cases of rape.
In some conflicts, sexual violence takes the form of sexual slavery, whereby
women are abducted to serve as servants and sexual partners of combatants for
extended periods; in others, it takes the form of torture in detention. In some wars,
women belonging to particular groups are targeted; in others, the violence is indis-
criminate. In some wars, only women and girls are targeted; in others, men are as
well. Some acts of wartime sexual violence are committed by indiv
Fourteen-year-old Ali was raised as a boy in a practice known in Afghanistan as bacha posh. Ali’s sisters stand behind her in the room they share.
Photograph by Loulou d’Aki, National Geographic
Inside the Lives of Girls Dressed as Boys in Afghanistan
A cultural practice called “bacha posh” encourages parents dress their daughters as sons for a better future. But often, it only makes life harder.
ByNina Strochlic
Photographs byLoulou d’Aki
Published March 2, 2018
There are girls in Afghanistan who enjoy the same freedom as boys.
Throughout history, women have disguised themselves as men to navigate entrenched social roles. They have dressed as men to
fight wars
, join religious orders, or prosper professionally. In Afghanistan, some families raise their daughters as sons to provide them with a better life.
??When one gender is so important and the other is unwanted, there will always be those who try to pass over to the other side,? says Najia Nasim, the Afghanistan country director for U.S.-based
Women for Afghan Women
.
1 / 4
<p>Siblings Setar and Ali talk back to the kids who call them names and comment on their appearance outside the schoolgates. “People come up to me and ask why I dress like a boy,” says Setar.</p>
Siblings Setar and Ali talk back to the kids who call them names and comment on their appearance outside the schoolgates. “People come up to me and ask why I dress like a boy,” says Setar.
Photograph by Loulou d’Aki, National Geographic
In Afghanistan??s patriarchal society, economic dependency on men and social stigma put parents in a difficult spot. Daughters are often considered as a burden, while a son will earn money, carry on the family legacy and stay home to care for their aging parents. To counter this
The Shadow Pandemic: Violence against women during COVID-
19
Campaign | Fast facts | Learn and share | Take action | Our work | Resources
The issue
One in three women worldwide experience physical or sexual violence mostly by an intimate partner. Violence
against women and girls is a human rights violation.
Since the outbreak of COVID-19, emerging data and reports
from those on the front lines, have shown that all types of
violence against women and girls, particularly domestic
violence, has intensiDed.
This is the Shadow Pandemic growing amidst the COVID-19
crisis and we need a global collective effort to stop it. As
COVID-19 cases continue to strain health services, essential
services, such as domestic violence shelters and helplines,
have reached capacity. More needs to be done to prioritize
addressing violence against women in COVID-19 response
and recovery efforts.
Everyone has a role to play.
https://www.unwomen.org/en/news/in-focus/in-focus-gende?¦covid-19-response/violence-against-women-during-covid-19 10/1/23, 9:47?¯AM
Page 1 of 8
UN Women is providing up-to-date information and supporting vital programmes to Dght the Shadow Pandemic of
violence against women during COVID-19.
Feature: The Shadow Pandemic Campaign
UN Women, the United Nations entity dedicated to gender equality and the empowerment of women, today
launched the Shadow Pandemic public awareness campaign, focusing on the global increase in domestic violence
amid the COVID-19 health crisis. The Shadow Pandemic public service announcement is a sixty-second Dlm
narrated by Academy Award-winning actor Kate Winslet, who has championed many humanitarian causes. The
video highlights the alarming upsurge in domestic violence during COVID-19 and delivers a vital message urging
people to act to support women if they know or suspect someone is experiencing violence. See full press release
?º
Videos
Fast facts
Globally, even before the COVID-19 pandemic began, 1 in 3 women experienced physical or sexual violence
mostly by an intimate partner
Emerging data shows an increase in calls to domestic violence helplines in many countries since the outbreak
of COVID-19.
Sexual harassment and other forms of violence against women continue to occur on streets, in public spaces
The Shadow Pandemic: Domestic violence in the wake ?¦
Nicole Kidman: “Play your role in ending violence
against women”
Nicole Kidman: “Play your role in ending violence again?¦
How you can combat domestic violence during COVID-
19
How you can combat domestic violence during COVID-19
https://www.unwomen.org/en/news/in-focus/in-focus-gende?¦covid-19-response/violence-against-women-during-covid-19 10/1/23, 9:47?¯AM
Page 2 of 8
and online.
Survivors have limi
Women, Peace and
Transforming Security
Visions of the Future of Women, Peace and Security for NATO
Office of the NATO Secretary General??s
Special Representative for Women,
Peace and Security
1
Women, Peace and
Transforming Security
Visions of the Future of Women, Peace and Security for NATO
DISCLAIMER: This essay series is produced by the Office of the NATO Secretary
General??s Special Representative for Women, Peace and Security. All essays were
written between February and July 2020. These essays are not NATO documents
and do not represent the official opinions or positions of NATO or individual nations.
NATO does not endorse and cannot guarantee the accuracy or objectivity of these
sources. Neither NATO or any NATO command, organisation, or agency, nor any
person acting on their behalf may be held responsible for the use which may be
made of the information contained herein. The essays have been edited by NATO
prior to publication.
31 October 2020
2
3
Table of Contents
Foreword ……………………………………………………………………………………………………. 4
NATO 2030 and WPS: What are the Connections? …………………………………………… 7
Refocusing on Relief and Recovery: How NATO Can Support
the Fourth Pillar of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda …………………………… 11
Gender Equality becomes Digital: A Gender-Technology Chapter
for the Future WPS ……………………………………………………………………………………… 15
Harnessing the Power of Women in NATO: An Intersectional
Feminist Perspective of UNSCR 1325 …………………………………………………………… 19
Gender Equality and Female Service in the IDF …………………………………………….. 23
A Risk Management Approach to Preventing Sexual Exploitation
and Abuse by NATO Personnel …………………………………………………………………… 27
UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace and Security and the Challenge
of Gender Mainstreaming in Maritime Operations ………………………………………….. 31
Abandonment of Past, Fragility of Today and Sustainability of Tomorrow:
Moving WPS E
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